put bombs is a strange way to give another reason - JL Borges
When in the early morning hours Wednesday we heard on the radio that the President's Office had requested the resignation of President of the Central Bank to wonder why such information is disseminated, because obviously the executive power can not do that under the Bank Charter Central (which is law Nation) and the National Constitution (Article 75). We envision several scenarios, all in the range of conjecture. We prefer not to expose them. But it is interesting to try to imagine why a decision which is broadcast itself is invalid, as recently demonstrated by the refusal of Martin Redrado first and then dismissing the new DNU.
When in the early morning hours Wednesday we heard on the radio that the President's Office had requested the resignation of President of the Central Bank to wonder why such information is disseminated, because obviously the executive power can not do that under the Bank Charter Central (which is law Nation) and the National Constitution (Article 75). We envision several scenarios, all in the range of conjecture. We prefer not to expose them. But it is interesting to try to imagine why a decision which is broadcast itself is invalid, as recently demonstrated by the refusal of Martin Redrado first and then dismissing the new DNU.
We will not repeat here the endless comments from the government sector and also expand on the views of different origins. Basically not to tire the reader. But it is imperative to make clear some points, as it broadcast an invalid warrant, then obviously involved in the negative.
With no little surprise we read in The Nation Thursday a short article the chairman of the caucus of senators of the ruling party, Miguel Pichetto. The article is entitled The result of an antiquated law and refers precisely to the City Charter. It says inter alia that the law (the Charter) grants powers to the president of the Central Bank that are not consistent with the autonomy that should be a democratic government. Mentions the fact that the president is Redrado or otherwise, can be located on the outside ... as opposed to the decisions of the Executive.
transcripts
These two paragraphs are a true and genuine painting the mentality of these people. Says the law is outdated and should be modified, so that is definitely saying that if the law had been applied Redrado could not be fired. He also speaks of democratic government, when in fact the form of government of Argentina is republican, representative and federal. This may seem like a play on words but in reality is what corresponds to speak. It is precisely the republic, which enables the separation of powers, legislative power which punishes acts (the Charter), is the executive that meets and is the court which deals with disputes. In moments of writing and having ordered the dismissal of Martin Redrado, is in its second function, Pesce, which continues to enjoy the same prerogatives that are not consistent with the autonomy that should be a democratic government.
These two paragraphs are a true and genuine painting the mentality of these people. Says the law is outdated and should be modified, so that is definitely saying that if the law had been applied Redrado could not be fired. He also speaks of democratic government, when in fact the form of government of Argentina is republican, representative and federal. This may seem like a play on words but in reality is what corresponds to speak. It is precisely the republic, which enables the separation of powers, legislative power which punishes acts (the Charter), is the executive that meets and is the court which deals with disputes. In moments of writing and having ordered the dismissal of Martin Redrado, is in its second function, Pesce, which continues to enjoy the same prerogatives that are not consistent with the autonomy that should be a democratic government.
The creation of so-called Bicentennial Fund was made by D. NU signed by the president five days before the end of the regular session of Congress. As is known, the Executive decided not to call special sessions, although he did vote on the economic emergency for two more years, for example. We are in an emergency but we need not sit. It is obvious that what was done was designed deliberately to avoid any discussion in Congress. And the departure of chairman of the Central Bank should have been in first place also requested by Congress, which has not happened.
Pichetto Senator has also made radio and said without mincing words that if the president of the Central disagrees with the government's economic policy should leave. Is this the autonomy without privileges to which it refers, Senator?
Central Bank policy does not dictate or intervene in it so eloquently. Its function is to finance and sustain the value of the currency. Precisely for this reason is that it is independent, to avoid conflicts of political nature. Put another way: the president of Central is not a government official, is a member of the Nation that should last 6 years in office. By definition exceeds the mandate of a president of the Executive. What it says is that Pichetto must be in accordance with at least two constitutional presidents and their economic policies to remain 6 years enjoying their democratic autonomy. Is remarkable.
If we look at the facts as we can see that Martin Redrado declined to be waived, then fired him. But according to public statements by the lady president has dismissed it because they have accepted the creation of the Bicentennial. He also spoke of his misconduct, as if it were a school. And the same decree states that it terminated for breach of the duties of a public official. All this is also contained in the preamble to the decree in question, which was endorsed by all ministers. And this deserves a paragraph.
Executive ministers are that: ministers. Ie they are advisers to the President, employees of it. Several of them do not have the slightest idea of \u200b\u200bhow the Central Bank, nor have knowledge of economics or law. Called on all to make them sign reminds us of the acts which once was the owner of Channel 9 Alejandro Romay, where all employees were throwing flowers and handing each other awards.
That a decree of necessity and urgency must be endorsed by all ministers clearly demonstrates the inherent weakness that it contains. The need to reaffirm something conveys the idea of \u200b\u200bweakness. Cristina Fernandez has tried to force him intimately knows because she and her conspicuous spokesmen, who does not. Just as certain things are conspicuous by their absence, others do so overflow.
Well, say a few words the origin of this unusual situation. Redrado immediately resorted to legal advice from the Central Bank itself when he met the DNU providing for the establishment of the Fund. He did what he had to do, because given their responsibilities can be criminally charged with those affected. It is not free to take 6,600 million dollars and make them available to the Executive. We know that there are two opinions, one for and one against. So without being in the kitchen of the question, we can say that the delay has a foundation and is not a whim of the right, as some have said in this unpresentable veritable carnival of inconsistencies. Redrado can easily prove, is accused of dereliction of duty, this is how we say here. But there's more.
The provision of Central funds for debts and running costs can result in seizure of funds abroad. Statements about the Central Bank president should do what she also says the executive. And if this happens will be the responsibility of rulers and their ministers, who have lightly break the law and the Constitution as if such a thing. They both spoke of the Sultanate in times of Menem, right?
also recall that the departure of Pedro Pou, in April 2001 was the beginning of the fall of the so-called convertibility. Pou was also driven by a decree of De la Rua, of course in that case there was an opinion of Congress and not a pre-NUD also signed by the same person. It is obvious that the upheavals will be felt and the consequences can be unpredictable. We would like
also know the reason why Redrado is asked to resign and when he does he is accused of failing to comply with the provision of resources for the Bicentennial Fund. If not available yesterday and not available today, does not change a thing. Again the light is in the womb of a government increasingly weakened and drifting.
The preamble to the decree destituyente, if we may, it is said that Redrado has failed in its duty, but then instructed the Attorney to make a complaint about it. In other words, the decree states that because the president has all his ministers and assume that Redrado breached their duties. And then it goes to court.
Is it reasonable to say something from someone who has legal and constitutional autonomy, justifying his dismissal and then appeal to court to say whether the executive is right?
When Arturo Valenzuela said that in Argentina there is no legal certainty, the declamations of the speakers voices always came with the end caps to try to discredit the U.S. official. Just days after this occurs institutional real mess. And officials and the president of the ruling party in the Senate say and write, the things we've transcribed above.
All that has been the Executive and his cohorts contributes to give the reason Martin Redrado. Everything. Verbal and written accusations, outdated decrees recitals, stage set with the signatures of all the ministers instructed the Attorney-everything. If even Hugo Moyano or unpresentable Luis D Elia has come to say, gentlemen. And do not for their status as neutral, fairly.
started this post with a quote from Jorge Luis Borges and finished with it: to bomb is a strange way to give another reason.
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